Panel Organizers:

Dr. Erik Komarov - Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow

Prof. Subramanian - Dept. of Political Science, Madurai Kamaraj University,India

Co-convenors:

Dr B.V. Muralidhar - Srivenkatesware University, India
Prof. Dr. S. Sri Krishna - Political Science and Public Administration, Sri Venkateswara University, Tirupati, India

Abstract

The aim of the panel is to present and discuss empirical findings and conceptual propositions of the studies of polity in South Asia with a special reference to processes of democratization, its progress as well as obstacles and set-backs. The panel envisages papers which analyze in the perspective of democratization constitutional and institutional development, party system and individual parties, elections and coalition politics, NGOs both traditional and modern, local self-government, ideological conditions. A special attention is requested to be given to the adaptation of democratic politics and institutions to the ethnic, cultural and other manifestations of heterogeneity of South Asian societies and, consequently, to overcoming religious fundamentalism, terrorism and separatism.

Most welcome are papers focusing on the state of Human Rights which includes Human Rights of Children, Women, Minorities, and Dalits etc. in the South Asian region to elucidate their significance for all-round development of society and uplift of human personality as well to indicate remedial measures against their neglect.
Historical research in the formation of pre-conditions for democratization can well be presented.

The above topics can well be dealt with at the all South Asia level or in individual South Asian countries or in particular areas of the same. Cross-country comparisons both within and outside South Asia are also sought.

Erik Komarov, Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow, Russian Federation

Historical Preconditions and Regularities of Democratization. The Case of India in Comparative Perspective

The paper presents a brief interconnected description of historical preconditions and certain regularities of democratization in India. The rise of political democracy in India was far from being a result of the impact of the British rule only, as is often presumed, but largely resulted from India's own history and was achieved by efforts and struggles of the Indians themselves.

Among the remote preconditions that emerged in ancient and medieval times are the following ones. First, non-monarchic state formations in ancient times (ganas and sanghas) interconnected with self-governing institutions which continued in medieval times albeit under autocratic state control, namely socially heterogeneous village and partially urban communities although plagued by inequality but having certain representative bodies (panchayats etc).

Second, caste system, a hallmark of social hierarchy, and disabilities and oppression of low casts especially the untouchables, yet the casts were largely self-governing social units and in this way caste system would resemble civic society.

Third, specifically Indian ideological pluralism, the coexistence of various religious communities and trends, religious universalism of Bhakti sants and of Akbar and Abu-l Fazl.

Fourth, ethnolinguitic heterogeneity of vast population limiting the extent and power of empires turned out rather short-lived.

Fifth, the relatively developed (by medieval standards} commercial and intellectual communities capable to quickly start mastering modern forms of ideology, articulation and economic and socio-political organization already in the 19th century in the process of limited modernization under the impact of the British rule.

The immediate preconditions of democratization initially emerging under British impact were fostered increasingly and ultimately decisively by the Indian efforts, by the Freedom Movement, workers' and peasants' struggles.

The following developments after Independence are referred to as some regularities of political democratization in India. First, one-party dominance of reform oriented party, the Congress at the initial stage of democratization. Second, regional development of opposition parties (both national and regional ones) and coalition politics leading to the rise of a specific system of alternative parties initially at the states' level and subsequently at the national level. Third, transition from confrontation to competition reflected by the reduction of differences between the major political actors on basic issues of development. The very processes of modernization and democratization are frequently accompanied as a reaction by outbursts of communalism and inherited violations of human rights. The set-backs are met with increasing protest and can hardly change the mainstream of development towards further democratization both political and social.

Adeel Khan, University of New England, School of Health, Australia
Democracy and Authoritarianism: Nationalisation of the Colonial State in India and Pakistan

Most of the post-colonial societies suffer from the imbalances of state-society relationships. In majority of the cases the state is too authoritarian and civil society too fragile. This paper looks at the state-society relationship in postcolonial states like India and Pakistan where despite the same colonial legacy the two states have travelled in diametrically different direction: whereas India has established a working democracy with a vibrant civil society, Pakistan has frequently plunged into military dictatorships which rule with disdain for civil society.

After giving a theoretical account of the state-civil society relationship, the paper proposes that the selection of two different systems of governance by the two states has a lot to do with their specific economic and geo-political conditions. While looking at the political preferences and economic and recruitment policies of the colonial state the paper tries to explain the logic behind the state formation in the two states. The paper also touches upon the contribution of global economic system towards the establishment of authoritarianism as in Pakistan's case the western economic and strategic interests played a very significant role.

Pamela Price, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway
Rhetorical Strategies in 2003,2004: Telugu Desam versus Congress in Andhra Pradesh

In the context of a four year drought n parts of his state, Chandra Babu Naidu used a range of appeals to struggle against yet another disadvantage, encumbency, as he and his party sought re,election in April, 2004. His main opponents, the leadership of the Congress Party, had their own disadvantage in the rivalries among them.
Eventually Congress leadership pulled together with consistent campaign appeals. In the heat of summer 2003, one of their number, Dr. Y.S.
Rajasekhara Reddy, had travelled through the state, talking with ordinary people about their needs and wants. He used what he learned during this trek to help form his party's rhetorical attacks on Telugu Desam's development priorities under the leadership of Naidu.
During his 9 years as Chief Minister Naidu had attempted a "wholistic"approach to development in Andhra Pradesh. A major aim was to create a basis for economic growth in industry, including information technology.
His understanding of the concerns and interests of private investors, national and international, included setting aside land for industrial parks, improving the infrastructure of Hyderabad, the capital city of the state, and setting in motion policies (such as cutting energy subsidies to
agriculture) which were congenial with economic models for growth prominent in North America and Western Europe. His development strategy toward the majority of the population which lives in villages and small towns included technical assistance to artisans, strengthened focus on farmer and women's self,help groups, and schemes to encourage local engagement in local projects for social and economic improvement. It is generall accepted by research economists in Andhra Pradesh that,
even though the Telugu Desam under Naidu actively pursued a wide range of projects and schemes beyond urban areas, the state government generally neglected the agricultural sector. In the context of drought, such neglect resulted in wide,spread suffering in agricultural communities and at least 2000 suicides among farmers, out of a nation,wide total of 3000 for the same period. It appears that a major error of the Telugu Desam regime was inadequate pursuit of irrigation development. The semi,arid zones of Andhra have historically experienced water scarcity, but famers say that droughts have become more frequent during the last 15 years. Butressed by Rajasekhara Reddy's appreciation of agricultural ills in the state, the Congress made Telugu Desam's neglect of the agricultural sector, particularly its failures of irrigation development, the keystone of its electoral appeal in the fall of 2003 and t! he spring of 2004. The focus of my presentation is on the ways in which Chandra Babu Naidu
and other leaders of the Telugu Desam attempted to meet the rhetorical challenges which Congress presented. To this end I use articles which I collected from English language newspapers from October 2003 to February 2004, while I was doing research in Andhra Pradesh. I supplement this material with articles from The Hindu online leading up to the General and Assembly elections in April and from the newspaper's coverage of Rajashekar Reddy's trek in the summer of 2003. I am guided in my interpretation by K. Srinivasulu's article, "Political Articulation and Policy Discourse in Elections: Andhra Pradesh, 2004", published in the Economic and Political Weekly online, August 21, 2004. However, the historical approach which I use supplements and, I hope, expands on his findings.

Viswanthan Vallanadu Narayanan, Presidency College, Chennai, India

Institutional Accountability for Human Rights, A case study of India

The global debate on democratization and human rights can be sharpened by paying greater attention to specific problems of political and institutional reform at the local, national and international levels. This paper provides an opportunity to learn from recent experiences in India, beset by economic crisis, where efforts are being made to create an enabling environment for democratic governance. This paper examines the institutional challenges facing the Indian Parliament. It argues that over the years there has been a decline in the effectiveness of Parliament as an institution of accountability and oversight. It shows that the instruments that Parliament can use for accountability-motions on the floor, oversight powers, the committee system-are increasingly being rendered dysfunctional. The fact that the Indian economy is globalizing has also eroded the power of Parliament in two respects.

The promotion of democracy and respect for human rights is a central aspect of development. It is also a very complex undertaking. Thus despite the growing strength of the human rights movement, there is still a wide gulf between the articulation of global principles and their application in the majority of national settings. The same can be said of democratization. In fact, India as a post,colonial nation its attempt to move toward democracy are suffering serious crises of state capacity and governance. And without a stable and efficient public sector that enjoys the confidence of the population, it is virtually impossible to uphold the basic rules of political competition on which democracy depends.

This paper explores some of the political and institutional factors affecting the creation of an enabling environment for democracy and human rights in India. The international context is important in this regard, because strong pressures for reform are often exercised in a piecemeal fashion by global actors without adequate appreciation of inconsistencies in approach or the unintended consequences of their policy advice.

Deeptima Shukla, University of Rajasthan, Kanoria PG College, Rajasthan, India

Linking Perils of Democracy and Human Rights in Nepal

The Nepali stateis going through a downward spiral in terms of poor democratic and development processes. Poor governance, political factionalism and weak leadership continue to undermine economic reforms and social justice thus shoring up the steam of political radicalism. The violent conflict is inducing social dislocation, insecurity and trauma for the poor, marginalized workers, women and children. It is clear that the establishment lacks an institutional capacity to effectively resolve the conflict. Public discourse is pivoted on political and constitutional issues, such as national security, peace, contituent assembly, government legetimacy, leadership, rights of the minority and marginalized, electoral reform, decentralization and corruption control.
Meanwhile, the life of the ordinary Nepali continues to worsen. Migration of people is seen in abundance. Alack of representative government, dissolution of elected local and national bodies has already created a democracy vacuum and weakened the state's monopoly of power to maintain national security, rule of law and delivery of basic public goods and services. The paper delineates the current political situation in Nepal and breach of humanitarian outlook both on the part of state and the Maoists. The paper points out the role of key political actors within Nepal and strategic imperatives of external powers such as US, India and China. While discussing the current human right condition in context with the failure of the forces of democratization in the Himalayan Kingdom the paper highlights the role of media, civil society and human rights organizations in pro,actively engaging public in peace activism and democratization. Before concluding, the paper also highlights the action needs to be taken in this direction by the political parties in Nepal.

Mohammad Habibur Rahman, Bangladesh Open University, Bangladesh

Human Rights and Democracy:Bangladesh Perspective

Human rights are based on mankind's increasingly demand for a decent and civilized life in which the inherent dignity of each human being will receive respect and protection. It is the universal and inherent in all humankind. Democracy and human rights are the burning issue of the world today. At present the world is passing through a very difficult and critical situation. While there is increasingly widespread concern for universal respect and observance of human rights, gross violation of internationally recognized norms continue unabated in almost all parts of the world. Even the heinous crime of genocide is being perpetrated despite all proclamations of the United Nations. When the world is grappling with the monster of terrorism, it is essential to revive universal human values so that this world is made a place worth living for human beings. The challenge of the twenty first century is however to make the world safe for democracy. Human rights and democratic order go hand in hand and get merged into the sea of justice, fair play and human welfare which constitute the basic elements of good life of the citizens. Human rights become meaningful only in the context of democratic order. It is true that human rights cannot be achieved without democracy. Human rights only meaningful only if democratic order sticks its roots deeper into the social soil. The demand for democracy and human rights are widespread in contemporary global affairs. Bangladesh is one of the developing countries in South Asia. The present condition of human rights and democracy in Bangladesh is not satisfactory. It is a matter of regret that human rights are being violated in Bangladesh everyday. Incident of human rights violation including killing, violence, rape, gender repression, injustice etc. is occurring all over the country. Systematic corruptions have almost replaced the rule of law. The cancer of poor governance has penetrated deep into the soul of the nation. It is not a healthy sign of a society. The violation of human rights in Bangladesh is a threat to democracy, peace and stability. The government is facing questions home and abroad and international forum. Constitutionally, Bangladesh is committed in its efforts to implement the basic human rights irrespective of race, religion, culture and political outlook or ideology. Human rights constitute an inseparable part of the ongoing democratization process of Bangladesh. The political history demonstrates that Bangladesh has had very little advancement in democratic system. Governance constitutes a major challenge for Bangladesh today. This study is an attempt to explain the position of democracy and human rights in Bangladesh and how democracy and human rights can be strengthened in Bangladesh. This study will also try to find out major problems and challenges of democracy and human rights.

Subramanian, Madurai Kamaraj University, India

Child Rights and our Obligations - A Vision for the 21st Century

The child is an individual in his/her own right. The child, therefore, has rights independent of those of his/her parents. Ensuring the survival, development, protection and participation of children is the obligation of families, communities, service providers and civil society. The rights of children have to be fulfilled and sustained within the family and community in which they live, grow and develop.

India has ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1992, reaffirming several of the commitments made since independence, principally in the Constitution of India. Implicit in the Convention is the recognition of the importance of women for the fulfillment of children's rights. India fully endorses the rights of women as outlined in the Convention on Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). The Ninth Plan emphasizes the need to look at child development not merely as an investment for the nation's future, but as a part of the obligation to fulfill every individual child's rights - in the present. This marks a transition from the "needs" to the "rights" approach.

The bedrock of the global coalition must be a shared vision for children in the first decade of the 21st century. At the heart of this vision is the conviction that children's rights - economic, social, cultural, civil and political - are inalienable and inseparable human rights and are achievable within the normative and ethical framework provided by the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The essential elements that such a vision includes are:

1) Human Rights are honoured, protected, fulfilled and are essential to a cross,cultural global ethic of respect for human dignity and democracy.
2) Children realize their full potential in health, learning and earning as respected and informed citizens, able to participate in decisions, which affect their lives.
3) The structural causes of violations of children's rights in the wider societal environment disappear.
4) Grossly unequal gender relations and wide gender gaps no longer exist.
5) Realisation of child rights flows from, and contributes to, the growth of cohesive and inclusive societies - societies which are based on the values of equity and solidarity and are especially conscious of the needs and aspirations of their poorest and most disadvantaged members.
6) Good governance is guided by the principles of accountability and commitment to human rights.

Anil Kumar, Sri Venkateswara Arts College, Department of Political Science, Tirupati, India
An Evaluation of Children Human Rights and their Protection in India

The child is certainly a victim of the societal abuse engendered by underdevelopment, poverty, inequality and ignorance. The economic distress, experienced by the majority of the population has certainly contributed to the growing commercialization of children's work. Today, children's labor is a commodity like any other, traded in desperation by parents in exchange for family survivals. Other Indian industries with high proportions of child labourers, many of whom are bonded labourers, include carpet-weaving, match and fireworks factories (approximately 50,000 children), glassworks, brick kilns and quarries. Commonplace for children aged 4 -15 in these industries are 10-14 hour days, below-minimum wages, outlawing of collective bargaining or union representation, occupational health and safety risks (including prolonged heavy lifting), mindlessly repetitive work, severe burns, respiratory and eye diseases, and short rest periods.

Government of India has enacted the Probation of Offenders Act of 1958. According to Section 6(A) a mandatory provision has been made so that the court should make wide use of this provision to protect the young generation from becoming professional criminals, who would become a menace to the society. Under the `Probation of Offenders Act of 1958',if a person of in age below 21 years is found guilty of committing an offense punishable with imprisonment, (but not with imprisonment of life), the court shall not imprison him unless it is satisfied that the young offender is not a criminal by nature.

In 1960 the Government of India has introduced another Act called ‘Children Act, 1960', through which attempt was made to protect the children from the exploitation and to give opportunity and facility to develop the mind of the child in a healthy manner and in condition of freedom, dignity and to protect it against moral and material abandonment.

The main paper discusses in detail the extent of the problem and also the ways and means to eradicate the multiple forms of child abuse.

S. Shri Krishna, Political Science and Public Administration, Sri Venkateswara University, Tirupati, India
Socio-Economic Violations Of Women's Human Rights - A Study

Economic hardship is a condition that many women face, because of discrimination against their gender. While men receive priority over women in terms of education, employment and salaries, a large number of women are forced to be satisfied with less or no education opportunities, lower income and fewer responsibilities at work. Women who migrate to other countries in search of better opportunities are often exploited and made to work at jobs of inferior status and incomes, as compared to male migrant workers. A vast number of women work outside the formal sector, such as in their homes, and other informal areas, and receive little or no pay and recognition for doing so. In addition to the economic hardship issue for women who stay at home and tend to their families, there are other related issues that arise, namely, their vulnerability to violence, poverty, malnutrition, disease and denial of education. Women are marginalized and this results in their suffering of gross human rights abuses. Trafficking in women and forced prostitution are other situations that results from women trying to better their poor economic conditions.

SPECIFIC CONSIDERATIONS
In search of better lives, many women and girls, especially from developing countries, leave their homes and migrate elsewhere. The only jobs that many of these women receive are domestic help positions, which confine them to the houses they work in. Because of the nature of their work, they are subject to limitations on their freedom, which in turn gives rise to sexual abuse within their workplaces / homes by their employers. Many suffer silently, either because they are ashamed, or out of fear of losing their jobs, and perhaps having to move back to their home countries, should they report or make public the incidents. Also differences of language in different countries sometimes poses a communication problem, and further isolates the women.

The active participation of all actors in society, namely, governments, educators, academics, civil society, the corporate and public sectors, community leaders, women's groups and others, is required in order to work towards the elimination of violence against women in the family, as well as violence against women as a whole.

Wendy Singer, Exeter University, Kenyon College, Exeter, United Kingdom

A Women's Constituency: Political Development and Human Rights

This paper examines the way in which "women" have been constituted as a special category in Indian elections, both in policy and practice, as a means to enhance their political development and promote women's representation in the context of human rights. By tracing changing policy initiatives that have addressed women's representation, this paper argues that the effect of such policy has been to ensure some women some access to elected office, but has also segregated women and limited the nature of that access.

From the first elections in 1937 and 1946, when women participated in Separate Electorates, to the Panchayati Raj Act of 1992 that required one third representation for women in local governing bodies, the government has legislated women's representation. In fact, a significant number of women have successfully contested elections and played prominent roles in Indian politics. However, women have consistently constituted only about 8,10% of Members of Parliament and this number has not increased in recent years, as it has in other places.

Current proposals to extend Panchayat quotas to Parliament have encountered resistance from other kinds of constituencies,,Backward Classes and Dalits (Scheduled Castes). This paper examines the differences in these groups' arguments for reserved seats in light of the different histories that have defined women's constituencies. For example, women's activists have often purposefully mobilized outside the electoral arena, looking beyond election politics, as perhaps illustrated in the United Nations Conference on Women slogan "women's rights are human rights." Also influential have been NGOs that prioritized women's economic interests. Increasingly, however, the lines between the political strategies of NGOs, women activists, and women politicians have blurred.

The ongoing debate on proposed women's quotas in Parliament illustrates the changing definition of women's constituencies and their relationship to other forms of political mobilization and political development.

Bindu Madhok, Albion College, Department of Philosophy, Albion, United States

Practical Moral Discourse and Human Rights for Women

In post,independent India, concerted efforts have been made by various governmental and non,governmental agencies in urban and rural settings to redress social and cultural inequalities affecting women and their human rights concerns. Within the last three decades, the city of Calcutta in eastern India has witnessed the emergence of numerous non,governmental agencies dedicated to women's issues. Among these, SWAYAM stands out for its innovative initiatives and diverse outreach programs. Founded by a young entrepreneur,turned social activist, Swayam (literally ‘oneself') is a non,profit urban women's organization committed to fighting violence against women and children in Calcutta. Through awareness,raising programs like street,plays in the slums, outreach programs in educational institutions and community groups, and research and documentation, Swayam seeks to bring women's issues to public discourse and influence public opinion against violence towards women. Lobbying for social and legal changes through collaboration with the judiciary and community groups is one of Swayam's major objectives.

Based on recent field,research, our paper will investigate the conceptual framework, methodologies, specific strategies and programs adopted by Swayam to address the human rights concerns and needs of women. It will also highlight a crucial variable in human rights discourse-the praxis side of the equation-and argue that local, practical engagements with women's rights is an essential component of a comprehensive global discourse on human rights.
Kamayani Bali Mahabal, Cehat, East Mumbai,

The silent Genocide

In Asia, at least 60 million girls are "missing". Strong preference for boys in some countries led to elimination of millions of girls through prenatal sex selection, while baby girls also died through deliberate neglect and starvation. Social discrimination
against women results in systematic neglect of women-s health, from womb to
tomb. Over the past two decades, sex selective abortions in Asia have
rapidly been replacing the brutal methods of gender (sex) selection.. Today,
sex selection alone matches, at times even surpassing the worst episodes of
genocide in scale. The 2001 Indian census shows a decline in sex ratio to
927, down from 945 girls for every thousand boys in 1991. But India is not
alone: Afghanistan, China, Nepal, Pakistan and [South] Korea all show
evidence of sex ratio imbalances that are the likely result of selective
abortion and/or female infanticide or neglect. Discrimination against girls
has undergone a radical change as it has shifted from female disadvantage in
mortality to female disadvantage in natality: This silent genocide that has
been going on with the unholy alliance between patriarchy (son-complex) and
technology (sex selection), is playing havoc in Indian society. Using India
as an illustrative case, this paper argues that in the context of what
prevails in some societies, an ethical argument that hinges on the principle
of autonomy as understood in the West can be problematic. Furthermore, a
liberal theoretical assumption that it is always better to have more rather
than fewer choices may not hold up well against the realities of life for
such women. The paradox as to whether sex selection v which in countries
like India inevitably leads to pre-birth elimination of girl child v is
indeed a violation of fundamental human rights is concurrent to the question
of its cultural context and the individuals- interpretation of one of the
most fundamental of human rights v Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights - the right to life. Today many women consider the practice of
abortion an absolute right that is tantamount to maintaining autonomy over
their body and their reproductive rights.

H.M. Rajashekara, University of Mysore, Kamataka, India

Rights of Women in India: Rhetoric and Reality

India is the second most population's country in the world after China. Out of its estimated one billion population, about 49 percent constitute women. The democratic Constitution of 1950 guarantees several rights including six fundamental rights to women. These rights include:
1. Equality before law [Article 14];
2. Prohibition of state discrimination based on sex [Article 15(1)];
3. Special provision for women [Article 15 (3)];
4. Equality of opportunity in public employment [Article 16 (2)];
5. Right against exploitation [Articles 23 & 24];
6. Equal pay for equal work [Article39 (d)];
7. Provision for maternity relief [Article 42];
8. Protection of the dignity of women [Article 51A{e}];
9. Political rights [reservation of seats for women] in rural and urban governments. [Article 243 D and 243T];
Besides these eloquent constitutional provisions, there are special Enactments by parliament which guarantee certain rights to women. Among them the following are important.

The Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929;
The Suppression of Immoral Traffic in Women and Girls Act, 1956;
Dowry Prohibition Act, 1961;
Sati Prevention Act, 1987;
The Indecent Representation of Women Prohibition Act, 1986;
The Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993;
The Pre,Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and prevention of Misuse) Act,
1994.

India is neither a complete modern society nor a complete traditional society. The dichotomy between modernism and traditionalism is a dominant contour of India. As a male,dominated country patriarchal system is widely prevent except in the southern state of Kerala. Family customs, social taboos and massive female illiteracy, deprivation of economic rights have created gender inequality. In this paper an attempt would be made to examine the following central issues of women's rights in India. Today the following pitiable and deplorable conditions of women's rights are visible in India.
• The Indian Women barring a few exceptions are not enjoying the rights guaranteed to them by the constitution.
• Women are ignorant of their legal rights regarding marriage, divorce, adoption, inheritance and maternity benefits.
• Rampant dowry system is lowering their status and making them victims of domestic violence and torture.
• Child marriage is still prevalent in some parts of India.
• Wife beating is widely prevalent and accepted by society and majority of women in rural areas.
• Political partiticipation beyond 8 percent at national level.
In this paper an attempt would be made to examine the following central issues of women's rights in India :

1. The Efficacy of Constitutional and Legal Provisions Pertaining to Women's Rights:
2. Reasons for violation of women's rights:,
3. Machineries for safeguarding women's rights:,
4. New Approaches Needed For The Protection of Women's Rights:

Rabindranath Manukonda, Debub University, Awassa, Ethiopia
A Critical Study in Violation of Human Rights against Women with Special Reference to India

Since the ages women's issues have been eye catching both at national and international level. Women as a mother, as a sister and a life partner of an individual has to be given a center of strength, stability and socio justice psychology. The cases after cases are being reported as an atrocity against her though the society in the west and east always claim that women is pride for the world, but this pride is always in danger. Hence it becomes inevitable to make some studies regarding their rights, status, violations and remedial measures.

This research paper will critically examine and evaluate the study of women in the past, medieval times and in the 21th century within the frame work of Indian society. Women played a vital role as they do two thirds of the world's work for only five percent of the income, according to UNIFEM, the United Nations Development Fund for Women. Today young women across the country grow up less than our expectations in educational, economic and political power than their male counterparts. This paper will examine the role of women in Indian society and how Gandhiji fought for over all uplift of women in every walks of life. This study also examines how and up to what tune the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights are being violated against women.
To mention a few atrocities and violation of Human Rights against women are rape, custodial rape, prostitution, dowry deaths, female foetacide, divorce, torture, sexual harassment at the work place, medical termination of pregnancy, temple women and denial of socio,economic status, parity in political sphere and denial of educational rights. Examines the role played by the National Commission for Women and other bodies and organizations in protecting women's rights.

This study suggests the remedial measures to be taken against the violation of Human Rights and how the acts should be amended to safeguard the rights and how women's rights could be effectively protected by the law and law enforcing agencies.
Without the development of women a democratic society cannot really exist because of their multi role played in the society.

Muhammad Wasim, Balochistan Association for Social Development, Pakistan

Human Rights Situation in Pakistan

Introduction:
Women form half of the world's population yet they are still subject to inequality and injustice on a global scale far more than their male counterparts.
This state of affairs is mirrored in Pakistan, which has a total population of 142 million of which 48.15% are women. Pakistan is among the very few countries in the world where expectancy of women (62 years) is less then that of men (65 years). Foremost among the reason cited for this situation
are: illiteracy among women (71%) high rate of incidence of domestic violence (reported from 80% of country's house hold) poor nutrition intake, abject poverty, absence of proper healthcare facilities, child marriages and excessive child bearing (average of 6,8 children). On a daily basis four women are murdered throughout Pakistan, victims of honor killings, physical violence and thousands more suffer from psychological torture, much of which is hidden from the public view.

Objectives:
The study is aimed at identifying the causes of domestic violence, its manifestations, consequences and intervention effects for program policy, evaluation and documentation.

Methods:
The study is done in Quetta, Pakistan hosting thousands of Afghan refugees.
Data was collected from monthly and yearly reports, a baseline survey in refugees settlements, focus group discussions and in,depth interviews with key informants and participant observation.

Findings:
Key factors in gender based violence are drug abuse, poverty, early marriages, forced marriages, infidelity and polygamy. Violence is expressed through physical abuse and psychological torture. The latter includes verbal insults and neglect of family obligations. Dire consequences for example suicide, are part of gender based violence with the most common being family separation, increase number of single parents and female headed households.
Power imbalances compound the problem as a large percentage of women rely on their spouses for social and economic support. Social perceptions of single women also favor men, making it difficult for women to leave abusive spouses, hence perpetuating the practice.

Conclusion:
Despite on going intervention, gender based violence continue among women and girls in the study area. Emphasis should be on addressing the causes through continual community participation in psycho,social help workshops, empowerment of women and girls and counseling at individual, family, and group level. Alcohol and drug abuse should be addressed socially and legally in the area.

Shivanna Kariyaiah Thibbamma, (KSOU), Karnataka, India

Human Rights for Indian Untouchables are Pie in the Sky

Historically Indian untouchable castes have suffered many kinds of disabilities. They have had neither the advantage of education nor economic power or status in society. The Indian untouchables are the most oppressed and suppressed section of Indian society because of number of negative attributes associated with them. Ideas of purity and pollution both occupational and ritual, which are associated with caste system, are said to have been responsible for the emergence of the practice of untouchability.
By this a large section of the society is treated worse than animals and subjected to undergo a great deal of suffering. These people had no rights and privileges. As if this is not enough, their touch, sight and even shadow are said to cause ritual pollution.
On account of caste system, the low caste people in general,and untouchables in particular, were denied the "Human rights" lock, stock, and arrel, deprived the access to social economic, political, religious and educational activities, which resulted in their segregation and foundexpression in their ignorance, inferiority complex, apathy, helplessness and fatalistic outlook.

Indian untouchables are the people who occupy the lowest rung of Hindu social ladder. From times immemorial, the privileged groups of caste Hindus have discriminated against these sections of society. The magnitude of discrimination is very great in social life, and has been institutionalized for centuries. All through the ages the untouchables suffered from social injustice and exploitation, which prevented them from upward social mobility. Untouchablility is still a curse to millions of people even in the 21st century of modern India. Speaking about the deprivation of Human Rights, Hutton says "the disabilities suffered by the suppressed castes all over India prior to its abolition were perhaps the highest manifestation of man's inhumanity to man." But, even after 50years of independence and enactment of anti,untouchability act, the practice of untouchability is still prevalent in all parts of India. Renowned sociologist Prof C.Pravathamma rightly points! out that "Ban on untouchability remains more or less a legal fiction".
There are innumerable instances of atrocities against these sections in the country even today.
The present empirical study examines the opinion of scheduled caste /scheduled tribe students enrolled in the elite courses like medical and engineering with regard to empowerment through higher education that enabled them to achieve social mobility in terms of social status, rights and a better world to live with dignity and honour.
The paper will through light on whether educational status (achieved status) is commensurate with their social status (ascribed status) or whether they are still suffering from "status inconsistency" as low caste medicos and engineers.

Roshni Sengupta, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

Muslims in Gujarat: Waiting for Justice

It was on 28th February 2002 that Gujarat lost its pride, much to the chagrin of those in power in the state even though the post,riot Gaurav Yatras claimed to be the epitomes of the growing pride of the people of Gujarat. The gruesome communal pogrom left thousands of Muslims dead and mutilated, raped and tortured. The after math of the tragedy has been no better for the largest minority in India. Hundreds of Muslim youth, charged under POTA are languishing in jails across Gujarat.

Women raped and left for dead during the mayhem are yet to be vindicated. Bilkis Begum has not seen the men who murdered her family and defiled her behind bars. The Best Bakery case has become a mere tool in the hands of the powers that be to protect the accused. Fifteen men implicated in the killing of twenty,five Muslim youth in the Dahod district of Gujarat have been releases on bail. Salient features of ethnic violence anywhere in the world, Muslims in Gujarat have been treated like outcasts even after the last embers of the communal holocaust died out. A good number have given up the thought of returning to their villages for fear of reprisals.

The paper - keeping in view the constraints of the panel - would trace the story of the Muslims in Gujarat three years after the most violent conflagration after independence dented India's claim of being a secular democracy. Human rights laws have been shamelessly violated.

It will also deal with the need for a law - in the form of the Prevention of Communal Violence Ordinance - that prevents such heinous crimes from being perpetrated by the state.

The denial of justice to the victims will be taken up as a case study and discussed at length in terms of the denial of basic human rights. A comparison will be drawn between the condition of the victims of the Bombay riots of 1993.

Amita Agarwal, Government S.K.College, SIKAR, Jaipur, Rajasthan, India
Educating Girl Child for Protection and Promotion of Human Rights of Women in India

Part 3 and 4 of the constitution of India ( related to fundamental rights and directive principles of state policy) take together, form the core of all human rights enumerated in the United Nations Declaration o Human Rigts. As fr as legal and formal policies and frameork are concerned nothing much is left desired. BUT, when one compares the theory with the stark realities prevalent in the society one finds a wide gap in the theory and practice.//Despite the constitution of india guanteeing the fundaental right to free and compulsory education for all children up to te age of 14 years, this has not been achieved, despite best efforts, in over 55 years of indepedence of the country.//To make a sincere attempt to bridge this wide gap women have to be empowred, socially, psychologically, econoically etc. so that they can take independent decisions and treat temselves as human beings who too have equal right of dignity as that of men.What better path can be taken to attain this noble objective the educating women rigt from their childhood?//Due to various reasons, social, economic ad cultural education of girl child as been neglected for long not only in India but almost in all the developing countries of the world.As a result a large number of our society remains miserably ignorant of their rigtful place in society.// The core argument of this paper is that until and unless free and compulsory education for the girl child is ensured all over the country human rights of women cannot be protected and promoted. The paper also makes an attempt to look ito te reasons responsible for the neglect of education of girl child and suggest ways and means including alternate policies to empower women rigt from their childhood by educating them.

Joseph Devine, University of Bath, Bath, UK

Collective action, well-being and politics, evidence from Bangladesh

The aim of the paper is to introduce the notion of wellbeing, explore its links with debates related to the study of poverty and inequality in Bangladesh, and offer an initial empirically,informed analysis of people's everyday pursuit of wellbeing. First the paper will argue that the notion of wellbeing offers an enriched analytical focus that improves our understanding of social change in contemporary Bangladesh. Second, the paper will present an initial analysis of primary data looking specifically at the dynamics of people's social agency and how this affects their wellbeing outcomes. The empirical analysis will claim that social agency remains a crucial mechanism that influences wellbeing. This is consistent with a long tradition of studies into social change in Bangladesh that highlights the need for collective and organised action. However the paper will proceed to show how the possibilities for the organisation of social agency have undergone important transformations over time. This is manifested in two important observations: a) the increasing penetration of political parties in the collective lives of rural communities, and b) the increased significance of mastans as key actors in the social and political landscape. The paper will argue that both phenomena are structurally linked and that their development reflects broader changes in the governance of state-society relations. The local significance of these developments lies in the fact that they implicate actors and organisations that either control or seek to control the same social, economic and political processes that directly affect the wellbeing outcomes of individuals, households and communities. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data, the paper will explore the dynamics and implications of these interactions for people's wellbeing, and reflect on the wider governance conclusions.

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Report on Panel 41 Political Development, Processes of Democratization and Human Rights in South Asia

Five papers on India, Pakistan and Bangladesh submitted at the Panel and one more as a separate lecture (due to organizational reasons) presented the results of empirical research and theoretical interpretations. The respective legislation, political actions and other developments promoting democratization were reviewed and its limitations and setbacks were pointed out.  The following main issues were analyzed: historical premises and regularities of democratization in South Asia with special reference to India in comparative perspective including a review of political developments in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka (Erik Komarov); collective actions and politics in rural Bangladesh (Joseph Devine); women's constituency, political development and human rights in India (Wendy Singer); socio-economic violations of women's human rights (a general review by S.Sri Krishna); conditions of Indian untouchables, their continued depression and certain changes brought by a spread of education (K.T. Shivanna and G.Ramarathan); US security assistance and political development in Pakistan (a separate lecture by C.Christine Fair and Peter Chalk). The papers were based on original research of a commendable level.
       Regrettably, 6 out of 27 prospective paper-givers whose papers (mostly abstracts) were accepted for presentation did not turn out, among them two penal proposers whose proposed panels were merged with the panel proposed by me and functioned at four previous conferences. Obviously, merging panels, if any, should be done much closer to the date of the conference (say a month or even a fortnight before) when the actual number of participants of a proposed panel or panels can be better conjectured.
                                 
Erik Komarov
                                 
Convenor, Panel 41