Panel Organizers:

Prof. Dr. V. Xaxa - Professor Sociology Delhi University, India
Dr. Paul Streumer - Koenen, Baak and Partner Academy, the Netherlands
Dr. Mohan Gautam - Leiden University, the Netherlands

Abstract 

The thrust

How do and did members of smaller peoples (tribals, minority groups) use their ethnicity to strengthen their position in different political and economic contexts. Are these positions development -oriented or do they run counter to modern development? We would like to explore both the historical and current experiences in order to map out likely outcomes and possible courses of action for the future.
The main thrust of this panel will be the tribes and smaller peoples of the new states of Jharkhand and Chattisgarh. Views on other areas are welcome.

In multi-ethnic India, ethnicity operates simultaneously at local, state and the All-India levels, and in the context of globalisation. At he same time, ethnicity touches upon the political, the cultural and the social spheres. This makes assessment of its precise impact difficult but, because of ethnicity's possible spread effects, also rewarding.

Themes
Among the themes to be explored are:

Strategies of globalisation and their impact on tribal development.

Ethnicity and politics: the new "tribal" states, the ethnic vote-bank, domicile issues, strengthening gram sabhas, human rights organization.

Economic: control over natural resources, wealth creation by local and outside entrepreneurs and managers.

Small people diasporas in India's big cities: engines of development or of loss?

Organisation of smaller peoples: self-organisations and NGOs against exploitation, for gender awareness.

Environmental: ethnicity as a base for ecological pressure groups, water and forest management.

Cultural: education and employment: religious modernization as an ethnic phenomenon, language issues in public life. 

Dr. Mohan Gautam,  Leiden University, the Netherlands

Identity dilemma and Tribal Expectations; Who are the Jharkhandis?

With the inception of the Chota Nagpur Adivasi Maha Sabha, in 1930 there appeared a dream to cherish the tribal identity. Jharkhand achieved the state status, but at the same time we note that the question of its identity runs into difficulties. Who are the Jharkhandis when there is only 29% of tribal population in the State The developmental question follows how the tribal community is going to get socio-economic progress in a democracy where at times the numbers of voters seem al- important?."

Ipshita Basu, University of Bath, Bath, UK

Jharkhand: Can a mainstream model of development sustain ethnic-based rights of tribal people?
 

Since independence, India has witnessed the rise of political movements that are mobilised along identity lines. The Jharkhand movement has been one such mobilisation, which has integrated dispersed tribes based on their shared recognition of the forest as an integral part of their identity and livelihood. This movement has been a united struggle to safeguard tribal interests from the economic exploitation that resulted from the national development programme. The formation of the state of Jharkhand marks the success of this movement in realising an avenue that can enable tribal-people to sustain their right to self-determination.

The fulfilment of such ethno-political struggles has been the centre of a debate with the positive view that the Indian state recognises the ethnic sentiments of some social groups and confers them with the right to preserve their distinct cultural identity, have exclusive ownership of their land and resources and autonomously administer their political and judicial systems. On the other hand, is the negative view that the rise of ethnic pluralism will encourage parochial development initiatives and deter overall economic performance and political stability of India.

           
In Jharkhand's annual state policies, there appears an attempt to balance the pros and cons of such ethno-political autonomy. In the development programme that is proposed, the state retains independent control over its territorial resources, but decision-making is devolved through a hierarchical model of authority, starting from the President of India and moving down to the village councils. Tribal groups are expected to assert their control over the development programmes by participating in the village councils and improve their living standards by being employed within the programme. However, my argument is that the continuation of mainstream development measures could potentially undermine the state's normative commitment to secure the right of self-determination for tribes who have already been marginalised from national development programmes and still have limited capacity to assert their rights.

Through a discursive analysis of Jharkhand's annual policies from 2000-2006, I will analyse the development model that has been propagated and investigate the extent to which it tries to meaningfully integrate the commitment to sustain the rights of the marginalised within the development agenda. Also I will explore if the development model allows tribal people to meaningfully participate, share profits and assert their rights. Finally I will assess the extent to which globalisation influences this model and how it affects tribal people.

Thus, my position is that Jharkhand's annual policies are development-oriented, however through my discursive analysis I seek to establish whether the current development model is able to meaningfully integrate commitment to economic progress along with the protection of tribal rights.

Indira Barua, Dibrugarh University, Department of Anthropology, Assam, India

Ethnicity and Cultural Identity: Case Study from Northeast India

Ethnicity has emerged as one of the most significant social issues. Boundary of an ethnic group is not a static phenomenon. Depending upon the circumstances and specific goal, division and amalgamation may take place. In mono-ethnic situation, the maintenance of ethnic boundary is simple. But in poly-ethnic or plural societies like the Northeast India, diverse factors play their roles in moulding ethnic inter group relations.
            The present paper is an attempt to understand the cultural fluidity and freeze effect or socio-cultural boundary maintaining mechanism among small groups like Tai-Ahom, Chaudang and Bodo of Assam who are at present in three different stages of boundary maintaining mechanism. Assam is unique for its ability of "fusion" as various races viz. Autro-Asiatic, Negaitos, Dravidians, Alpains entered into Assam with distinct culture. In recent years, Assam became a center of attraction for its process of fusion. Cultural flexibility has been replaced by violence and socio-cultural fluidity has been frozen.

           
Tai Ahom is a significant racial element that entered Assam during the 12th century AD and ruled for six hundred years. They have contributed meaningfully to the development of Assamese society and culture. At present they are influenced by identity move and governed by two aspects, one is socio-religious and other is socio-political in nature.

           
The development of ethnicity among the Chaudangs is in the initial stage. The Chaudang was neither a caste nor a community, but a functional group of khel during the Tai-Ahom administration in Assam. They too become conscious about their ethnic boundary and have started articulating their marginal voices in favour of their better placement in the contemporary world.

On the other hand, the ethnic movement of Bodos has achieved a different stage. The demand for a separate state for Bodos was launched for the first time in 1986, which was culminated in the Bodo accord in 1993. Finally, the movement settled for the extension of the sixth schedule status to the Bodo areas. The Memorandum of settlement signed on 10th February 2003 was a path-breaking event.
Thus it may be said that the boundary maintaining mechanism is a continuous process because the human society is not static. So the ethnic groups are always at different stages of  group formation.

Hema Bansal, The M.S. University of Baroda,Vadodara, India

Indigenous Poor: An Empirical Analysis of Capacities, Capabilities and Institutional Responses

Today, Indian economy is recognized as one of the twelve largest economies in the world. With growth rates between 6 to 7 percent, India is optimistic about realizing the Millennium Development Goal of poverty reduction.  Poverty is not only multi-dimensional but also varies across regions and class of people. There are strong links between indigenous people [tribal] and poverty. Out of 900 million extremely poor rural populations in the world, one third of them are indigenous people. In India, over eight percent of its population is secluded and lives in diversified environments, on simple technologies, eking livelihood from immediate environment.  The extent of deprivation amongst these categories is compounded because of isolation - geographic, societal and institutional.  Besides, intense poverty the indigenous poor suffer from low literacy status, health hazards and institutional support.

Improvement in the condition of indigenous poor is extremely crucial for achieving the Millennium Development Goals. The study is based on primary data of more than 1200 indigenous poor households in Gujarat State in Western India. Despite higher growth rates in Gujarat State this ethnic population has been experiencing marginalization and the percentage of population below poverty line has shown an increasing trend.

The present study focuses on unraveling the conditions of indigenous poor households in India. The study is divided in three parts: The first part focuses on the production capabilities of the indigenous poor[income  and employment patterns], and literacy status.  In the second part an attempt is made to understand the demand and supply of financial services amongst indigenous people. In this section we focus on the current saving and borrowing patterns of indigenous poor and the presence of formal financial institutional outlets in the area. Last section of the study focuses on the current intervention models used to deliver institutional support to indigenous people and discusses what works best for them in other parts of India and South Asia. Hopefully, this understanding will be beneficial in designing suitable microfinance products that will harness the capabilities of indigenous poor households for achieving the Millennium Development Goals of poverty reduction and improved literacy status for the indigenous people.

Arkotong Lonkumer, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, United Kingdom

The Heraka movement amont the Zeme Nagas of North Cachar

The Heraka movement among the Zeme Nagas of North Cachar Hills, Assam, provides an interesting case of religious modernization as an ethnic phenomenon.  Much of the history of the movement is associated with opposing the British rule during the 1930's until India's independence, under the guidance of Rani Gaidinliu.  Her movement, the Heraka, is one of the few counter-cultural forces that have erupted in North East India.  It also has wider implications for the current economic, cultural, and political climate. 

This paper will first examine the genesis of the movement, based on agrarian reform and economy of the land, in Zeme areas.  Second, it will look at the effect of the influx of immigrants and British land policy, and how that altered the Zeme agricultural practice of ‘cycle migration' (use of lands in successive cycles of generations), which caused land shortage and famine.  Finally, these forces both altered their villages, and popularized a modernizing force, the Heraka.  By abolishing sacrifices, changing the old religious system, and thereby creating new rituals, the people were liberated from economic, as well as spiritual, burdens.  The modernizing force placed greater emphasis on individual wealth as a blessing from God, successfully rewarding the wealthy with key positions within the village organizations, traditionally reserved for priests.

However, despite the successful reform of village economic structures, the Heraka maintained a skeptical view of education, fearing that it would threaten their culture.  This view has altered considerably with a new progressive agenda, but it still presents dilemmas as the Heraka come into contact with the outside world through globalization and urban employment.  The debate between ‘tradition' and ‘modernity' is a crucial one within this framework, questioning the very fabric of Heraka society and its agenda to work within a modern world while continuing to sustain itself as a religious and cultural movement.

The Heraka movement among the Zeme Nagas of North Cachar Hills, Assam, provides an interesting case of religious modernization as an ethnic phenomenon.  Much of the history of the movement is associated with opposing the British rule during the 1930's until India's independence, under the guidance of Rani Gaidinliu.  Her movement, the Heraka, is one of the few counter-cultural forces that have erupted in North East India.  It also has wider implications for the current economic, cultural, and political climate. 

Today, Indian economy is recognized as one of the twelve largest economies in the world. With growth rates between 6 to 7 percent, India is optimistic about realizing the Millennium Development Goal of poverty reduction.  Poverty is not only multi-dimensional but also varies across regions and class of people. There are strong links between indigenous people [tribal] and poverty. Out of 900 million extremely poor rural populations in the world, one third of them are indigenous people. In India, over eight percent of its population is secluded and lives in diversified environments, on simple technologies, eking livelihood from immediate environment.  The extent of deprivation amongst these categories is compounded because of isolation - geographic, societal and institutional.  Besides, intense poverty the indigenous poor suffer from low literacy status, health hazards and institutional support.

Ethnicity has emerged as one of the most significant social issues. Boundary of an ethnic group is not a static phenomenon. Depending upon the circumstances and specific goal, division and amalgamation may take place. In mono-ethnic situation, the maintenance of ethnic boundary is simple. But in poly-ethnic or plural societies like the Northeast India, diverse factors play their roles in moulding ethnic inter group relations.           

The present paper is an attempt to understand the cultural fluidity and freeze effect or socio-cultural boundary maintaining mechanism among small groups like Tai-Ahom, Chaudang and Bodo of Assam who are at present in three different stages of boundary maintaining mechanism. Assam is unique for its ability of "fusion" as various races viz. Autro-Asiatic, Negaitos, Dravidians, Alpains entered into Assam with distinct culture. In recent years, Assam became a center of attraction for its process of fusion. Cultural flexibility has been replaced by violence and socio-cultural fluidity has been frozen.           

Tai Ahom is a significant racial element that entered Assam during the 12th century AD and ruled for six hundred years. They have contributed meaningfully to the development of Assamese society and culture. At present they are influenced by identity move and governed by two aspects, one is socio-religious and other is socio-political in nature.           

The development of ethnicity among the Chaudangs is in the initial stage. The Chaudang was neither a caste nor a community, but a functional group of khel during the Tai-Ahom administration in Assam. They too become conscious about their ethnic boundary and have started articulating their marginal voices in favour of their better placement in the contemporary world.On the other hand, the ethnic movement of Bodos has achieved a different stage. The demand for a separate state for Bodos was launched for the first time in 1986, which was culminated in the Bodo accord in 1993. Finally, the movement settled for the extension of the sixth schedule status to the Bodo areas. The Memorandum of settlement signed on 10th February 2003 was a path-breaking event.Thus it may be said that the boundary maintaining mechanism is a continuous process because the human society is not static. So the ethnic groups are always at different stages of  group formation.

Since independence, India has witnessed the rise of political movements that are mobilised along identity lines. The Jharkhand movement has been one such mobilisation, which has integrated dispersed tribes based on their shared recognition of the forest as an integral part of their identity and livelihood. This movement has been a united struggle to safeguard tribal interests from the economic exploitation that resulted from the national development programme. The formation of the state of Jharkhand marks the success of this movement in realising an avenue that can enable tribal-people to sustain their right to self-determination.