Panel Organizers:

Dr Dietrich Reetz - Zentrum Moderner Orient, Berlin, Germany
Claudia Preckel - Ruhr-Universität Bochum, Bochum, Germany

Abstract

During the last centuries, South Asia witnessed the emergence of several Islamic movements. Specially since the 19th century, many new Islamic schools (madaris), printing presses and associations were established to propagate the aims and teachings of these movements. This trend has taken a more political direction since the late 20th century. It goes along with a mobilisation of extensive family networks and ethnic groups. This panel aims to analyse the ways of mobilisation of Muslim communities, scholarly movements, Sufis, women's groups, or political parties. How did individuals establish their translocal networks to spread their ideas and practices in South Asia and beyond? Papers may also discuss the way of mobilisation and recruitment, for example street corner preaching, religious instruction or the use of the modern mass media and the internet.

Tahera Aftab, Gettysburg College, Gettysburg, USA
Problematic Spaces, Problematic Voices: Women Claiming Religious Authority

Soon after the creation of Pakistan gender and women's issues came to be viewed within the wider and complex context of an emerging religious tradition with a profound emphasis on male authority and religious-cultural dogma. The mosque now became the bastion of male authority; the maktab and the madrassa, mosques' centers for lower and higher learning further strengthened the male hold by going much farther, demonizing women who dare to seek freedom of speech and action. To reclaim their position women began their weekly gatherings, known as dars and dhikr addressed by women religious scholars. The last decade witnessed women for women religious activism in Pakistan. This was the beginning of al-Huda International Institute of Islamic of Islamic education for women in 1994 by Naseem Hashmi. Hashmi earlier studied in Scotland and later started teaching at Islamic International University, Islamabad. Al Huda which now offers nation-wide regular teaching courses for learning the Qu'ran has grown over the years, both in membership and in its influence.  Hashmi addresses huge all-women gatherings in which Islam and women's rights are discussed.

The increase in the frequency of women's gatherings known as ‘Dars' and ‘Dhikr' addressed by women religious scholars has caused great concerns to some male scholars. These scholars accuse the religious schools established by Hashmi of spreading westernization and condemn Hashmi's credentials as scholar of Islam. This project will study the organizational pattern of these gatherings and the content of the messages delivered there, with the purpose of identifying women's voices and concerns.
This paper, drawing upon my recent field-based research in Karachi, looks at the increasing number of women of all ages attending these gatherings and explores the transformative impact of these assemblies on gender issues in Pakistan, particularly in post 9/11 Pakistan.

Mohammed Amer Morgahi, Internat. Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World, Leiden, The Netherlands
Waiting for the Shaikh: the Religious Mobilization Among the Young Followers of the Minhajul Quran in the UK

This paper will focus on a transnational movement called the Minhajul Quran (MQ). Originating from Lahore Pakistan it has created a hold among the traditional, sufi-oriented communities from South Asia in the diaspora. Although the movement emerged out of the folk Islam, also called the Barelwis in South Asia, the MQ has, following jama'at Islami, politicized the Barelwi tradition, however at the same time it wants to live within the sufi tradition that it has inherited. This creates a tension among its followers: how to be modern, but at the same time be part of a traditional Islam.

The present paper will focus on the MQ movement as it has established itself in London. Although in the UK the MQ attracts more youth, both male and female, into its fold, however among its local organizing bodies these are the ‘imported son-in-laws' of the traditional Barelwi migrants who are main its torch-bearers. Focusing on their religious mobilization this paper will ask of the How it comes that the imported-in-laws got this position? Is it a continuation of the ideological influence from ‘home' to diaspora or it says something about the lack of trust in the ‘religious authenticity' of the generation born and brought up in the UK? How the tension of living between the modernity and tradition is being solved out among the young recruits of the MQ that are born and brought up in the UK? How the religious tradition, as transmitted through the MQ, fulfills the religious needs of these youths in diaspora?

Marzia Casolari, University of Bologna, Forlì Branch, Bologna, Italy
Islam in South Asia, Radical or Moderate?

The subject of the paper I would like to present in Leiden is "Islam in South Asia, radical or moderate?". The paper will contain a preliminary, historical overview of Islam in South Asia (India and Pakistan) before and after the partition. It will briefly analyse the rise of the first political Muslim groups (including historical Madrasas) and parties, their attitude towards Independence, the means to reach it, and their stand regarding the two nations theory. It will further examine the changes which took place after Independence, the radicalisation of Muslim political milieu in Pakistan and the marginalizing of Muslims in India.
The paper is part of an ongoing, broader research on South Asian Muslims in present politics, between radicalism and secularism. The perspective is to understand, on one hand,  if Indian Muslims will positively react to the challenge posed by secularism or if they will undertake the path of political radicalisation and affiliation to international radical Islamism. On the other hand, the paper will analyse the possible evolution of Pakistani Muslim fundamentalism, in relation with the broader, international context.

Dietrich Reetz, Zentrum Moderner Orient, Berlin, Germany
Islamic Education and Worldly Knowledge - The New Generation of Muslim Schools

While the traditional madrasas of South Asia have come under criticism for their limited profile, its graduates have contributed to the emergence of new institutions that seek to combine genuine religious instruction with teaching modern and up-to-date worldly knowledge. This evolution is prompeted by development concerns and the desire to enable the Muslim community to make up for its perceived backwardness. It is also driven by religious visions of speading the message of Islam to the modern middle classes of Muslim society and preserve their religious orientation. This relatively new sector of education and community service provides a meeting ground between traditional religiosity and piety of the Deobandi, Tablighi and Barelwi type and western-educated Muslim intellectuals. The institutions active in this field range from the nursery right up to the university of which the International Islamic University in Islamabad is a prime example. The paper gives an overview of its concepts, trends, institutions and transnational impact.

Irfan A. Omar, Marquette University, Milwaukee, WI, United States
Self-Reform or Missionary Work? The Al-Risala Movement's 'Moral Revolution' of the 21st Century

This paper discusses the Al-Risala Movement (or the "mission") founded by Maulana Wahiduddin Khan (b. 1925) of New Delhi, India. Khan inaugurated his mission by starting a publication al-risala in Urdu in 1976. This unique monthly journal, which has not missed an issue since its inception, contains short articles, moral anecdotes, vignettes and other educational and inspirational observations, all written by Maulana Khan. Through his writings found in the pages of al-risala as well as in other (over a hundred) published works, Maulana Khan has clearly sought to mobilize and influence a generation of young people who strive to become the "unofficial" propagators of his ideas. Khan's movement is mission-oriented because it seeks to propagate Islam as a "perfect" religion among all others, directed towards both Muslims and increasingly non-Muslims. What differentiates his mission from many others is that it seems to be mindful of the way and the method of such propagation. The key features that Khan advocates are respect and love for those who are generally seen as the "Other", the practice of nonviolence in all human interactions, and the use of intellectual discourse as primary means of engaging others in "dialogue." Khan's movement emphasizes educational reform and thus seeks to distance itself from all politically-oriented Islamic movements.

The Al-Risala Movement is not a membership-based organization, nor does it seek converts to its cause who would be expected to leave their current occupations in order to dedicate their time and resources towards the movement. Instead, the movement's translocal network is held together through the medium of the publication of Khan's ideas in print and through a number of websites such as www.alrisala.org <http://www.alrisala.org/>  and www.cps.org.in <http://www.cps.org.in/> . Thus the subscribers to the monthly al-risala and regular readers of his other published works are in some respect its "members" or the "mobilized." Over the years, Maulana Khan has also addressed (in person or through conference call) many al-risala readers about the "mission." These groups, formed as Al-Risala study groups, are in existence in various parts of India and abroad. At the official level, there is no recruitment, no membership roster, and no special attempt is made to even connect all those who agree with and are voluntarily working to promote Khan's ideas and methods in their local settings, beyond what is selectively reported about such activities in the pages of al-risala each month. Wahiduddin Khan does not project himself as a reformer. He outlines the nature of his mission in his pioneering book, Fikr-e-Islami  as ijtihad. He argues that what is lacking in the Indian Muslim community at large is a coherent vision of the reapplication (by way of ijtihaad) of the Islamic ideals. These ideals in Khan's interpretation are pluralism, tolerance of differences, utilizing peaceful means to activism, and embracing modernity and seeking progress within the scope of the teachings of Islam. In many respects, Wahiduddin Khan's thought crosses boundaries of traditional Islam as he seeks to re-define Islam in light of what he calls the "modern age" which demands rational and tolerant understandings of religion. He also crosses boundaries of religious, national and ethnic associations. Khan's Al-Risala Movement may be characterized as that which lies beyond the traditionalist posture and which spans across the boundaries of religion, ethnicity, social and economic classes.

Ali Usman Qasmi, Heidelberg University, Department of History, South Asia Institute
Heidelberg, Germany
Towards a New Prophetology: Khawaj Ahmad ud-Din Amritsari (1861-1936) and the Ahl al-Quran Movement

Ahl al-Quran movement started in Lahore in 1903 when Moulvi Abdullah Chakralwi, a former Ahl-e-Hadith cleric, started publishing a journal titled as Ishaat al-Quran. The basic idea of this movement was an emphasis on the authority of Quran as the sole source of guidance for the Muslims. The question of Prophetic authority was tackled differently by various Ahl al-Quran scholars. For Moulvi Abdullah, since Quran was the Word of God and various Quranic verses alluded to the fullness of its Text, no other source of guidance was required. All matters relating to the faith and practice of Muslims could be deduced from Quran. The Quran, he said, had dealt with all these issues in detail and to deny the comprehensiveness of Quran is tantamount to finding faults in the Book of God.
Khawaja Ahmad ud-Din Amritsari, with whom I would be dealing more in this paper, held similar views on the supremacy of Quran. But at the same time he approached the whole issue of Prophetic authority in a way so as to make Quran as the sole source of guidance, not just for the Muslims but for humanity at large. In this way, his idea of the supremacy of Quran required mitigation of the role and influence of Prophet to the extent of comparing his status to that of an Ambassador of God who brings the message of God and nothing else.
In this paper I would try to elaborate Ahmad ud-Din's religious ideas in the light of his works, as a rational Muslim thinker who tried to reconcile Islam with rationality, with a desire to make it more acceptable for the Western educated Indian Muslims, while also trying to make it appealing for the non-Muslims by referring to the universality of the Quran without slandering the beliefs of his targetted audience. It would also be interesting to note the influence of Khawaja Ahmad ud-Din Amritsari on other scholars who held similar ideas. Most important of these scholars include Aslam Jairajpuri and Ghulam Ahmad Pervaiz.

Mujeeb Ahmad, University of the Punjab, Department of History, Lahore, Pakistan
A Casestudy of the Barelwis

The vast majority of the South Asian Muslims are   Sunnis ,  embracing the Barelwi movement,  started in late 19th century. Although ,  Barelwi movement has its roots in India , however, it spread not only throughout South Asia but all over the World. The main cause of its spectacular growth in the World is the South Asian Sunni Muslim immigrants.
During 1897-1947 in India, the Movement did function in a socio-cultural and religio-political   perspectives. One can saw a spate of madaris, anjumans,  religio-political organizations and series of ideological literature.
After the partition of  India, the  leadership of the Movement  prefered to stay in  India..This leadership also decided to remain ‘secular'   in the Indian national affairs. Thus, as far as India was considered, the Movement limited its activities to religious and spiritual matters.
However, in Pakistan, the Movement rapidly spread and influenced not only in religious,  and scholarly terms but it also established its political footing. In various religio-political and spiritual matters, the Indian leadership of the Movement, possesses a final authority. However, very few Pakistani Barelwi Ulama   had  their  such kind of linkage in India.
In Bangladesh, the Movement is also limited to religious and scholarly affairs of the Sunni Bengalis, here the Movement is being guided by the Indian and Pakistani   Ulama.
Although, the madaris and anjumans of these three countries did not have any linkage, so, the Baralwi network used for the religious mobilization is left with exchange of literature, fatawa, mutual   correspondence ,occasionally visits of Ulama, Masha‘ikh and Barelwi intelligentsia, holding of Urs of topmost leadership of the Movement in these countries, attending Urs and annual meetings of the madaris of these countries. For the religious education of the followers, several madaris   and organizations had established their websites both in English and Urdu.

Claudia Preckel, Oelde, Germany
Bhopal and Beyond - Ahl-i Hadith Networks in 19^th Century India

The Ahl-i hadith (People of the Prophetic traditions) are members of a reformist Islamic movement, which emerged in India in the 19th century. Today it is one of the most active movements in South Asia and beyond. The movement distinguishes itself from all other Muslim movements (Deobandis, Barelwis, Ahmadiyya, Tablighis and others) in its interpretation of Islamic law and its style of prayer. The Ahl-i hadith also joined big public debates against the Arya Samaj or Christian missionaries.
Since its beginnings, the Ahl-i hadith were very active either in preaching or in publishing pamphlets. Lists of their early members show that they were able to mobilise whole families of certain cities and qasbas in North and Central India (Delhi, Bhopal, Sahsawan). Later, they were even able to establish scholarly networks throughout the Islamic world (Istanbul, Cairo, Medina, Hudayda).
The paper will analyse the scholarly networks of the Bhopalese scholar Siddiq Hasan Khan al-Qannauji (d. 1890), who is regarded as one of the founding figures of the Ahl-i hadith movement. A special focus will be laid on his publication strategy and his contacts to important publishing houses throughout the Muslim world. Siddiq Hasan's publications and his educational networks clearly made a great contribution to the mobilisation of the Ahl-i hadith and the further developments of the movements.

Christine Fair, United States Institute of Peace, Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention, Washington, DC, USA
New Trends in Islamic Education in Pakistan

This paper will discuss the results of Fair's ongoing research into Islamic education in Pakistan. Fair has travelled extensively throughout Pakistan meeting with administrators of madaris as well as administrators of new forms of schools that combine the syllabi of local boards with aspects of Dars-e-Nizami and Hifz-e-Q'uran. Fair will disaggregate the market for Islamic Education and discuss those aspects of religious education that are "demand driven" and those that are "supply driven."  She will also discuss how different Islamic educational institutions are responding to calls by the Government of Pakistan to change their curriculum as well as their views about the problems with Islamic education in Pakistan.  The author concludes from this study that the emergence of new Islamic educational institutions are demand driven but in remote areas (such as those in Baluchistan) the argument can still be made that religious school is supply driven and reflects the fact that in such areas there are few alternatives.  The author dismisses generalization about madaris as "factories of militants," but has gathered compelling evidence that madaris do contribute to sectarian conflict in Pakistan.  The author also notes that in her discussion with experts on Islamic education in Pakistan, their private views reflect a need for changing the 1400-year old curriclum (Dars-e-Nizami) to ensure that Pakistan's ullema remain competent to inveigh on topics of import to the modern state.

This paper will discuss the results of Fair's ongoing research into Islamic education in Pakistan. Fair has travelled extensively throughout Pakistan meeting with administrators of madaris as well as administrators of new forms of schools that combine the syllabi of local boards with aspects of Dars-e-Nizami and Hifz-e-Q'uran. Fair will disaggregate the market for Islamic Education and discuss those aspects of religious education that are "demand driven" and those that are "supply driven."  She will also discuss how different Islamic educational institutions are responding to calls by the Government of Pakistan to change their curriculum as well as their views about the problems with Islamic education in Pakistan.  The author concludes from this study that the emergence of new Islamic educational institutions are demand driven but in remote areas (such as those in Baluchistan) the argument can still be made that religious school is supply driven and reflects the fact that in such areas there are few alternatives.  The author dismisses generalization about madaris as "factories of militants," but has gathered compelling evidence that madaris do contribute to sectarian conflict in Pakistan.  The author also notes that in her discussion with experts on Islamic education in Pakistan, their private views reflect a need for changing the 1400-year old curriclum (Dars-e-Nizami) to ensure that Pakistan's ullema remain competent to inveigh on topics of import to the modern state.This paper will discuss the results of Fair's ongoing research into Islamic education in Pakistan. Fair has travelled extensively throughout Pakistan meeting with administrators of madaris as well as administrators of new forms of schools that combine the syllabi of local boards with aspects of Dars-e-Nizami and Hifz-e-Q'uran. Fair will disaggregate the market for Islamic Education and discuss those aspects of religious education that are "demand driven" and those that are "supply driven."  She will also discuss how different Islamic educational institutions are responding to calls by the Government of Pakistan to change their curriculum as well as their views about the problems with Islamic education in Pakistan.  The author concludes from this study that the emergence of new Islamic educational institutions are demand driven but in remote areas (such as those in Baluchistan) the argument can still be made that religious school is supply driven and reflects the fact that in such areas there are few alternatives.  The author dismisses generalization about madaris as "factories of militants," but has gathered compelling evidence that madaris do contribute to sectarian conflict in Pakistan.  The author also notes that in her discussion with experts on Islamic education in Pakistan, their private views reflect a need for changing the 1400-year old curriclum (Dars-e-Nizami) to ensure that Pakistan's ullema remain competent to inveigh on topics of import to the modern state.The vast majority of the South Asian Muslims are   Sunnis ,  embracing the Barelwi movement,  started in late 19th century. Although ,  Barelwi movement has its roots in India , however, it spread not only throughout South Asia but all over the World. The main cause of its spectacular growth in the World is the South Asian Sunni Muslim immigrants.During 1897-1947 in India, the Movement did function in a socio-cultural and religio-political   perspectives. One can saw a spate of madaris, anjumans,  religio-political organizations and series of ideological literature. After the partition of  India, the  leadership of the Movement  prefered to stay in  India..This leadership also decided to remain ‘secular'   in the Indian national affairs. Thus, as far as India was considered, the Movement limited its activities to religious and spiritual matters. However, in Pakistan, the Movement rapidly spread and influenced not only in religious,  and scholarly terms but it also established its political footing. In various religio-political and spiritual matters, the Indian leadership of the Movement, possesses a final authority. However, very few Pakistani Barelwi Ulama   had  their  such kind of linkage in India.In Bangladesh, the Movement is also limited to religious and scholarly affairs of the Sunni Bengalis, here the Movement is being guided by the Indian and Pakistani   Ulama.Although, the madaris and anjumans of these three countries did not have any linkage, so, the Baralwi network used for the religious mobilization is left with exchange of literature, fatawa, mutual   correspondence ,occasionally visits of Ulama, Masha‘ikh and Barelwi intelligentsia, holding of Urs of topmost leadership of the Movement in these countries, attending Urs and annual meetings of the madaris of these countries. For the religious education of the followers, several madaris   and organizations had established their websites both in English and Urdu.The vast majority of the South Asian Muslims are   Sunnis ,  embracing the Barelwi movement,  started in late 19th century. Although ,  Barelwi movement has its roots in India , however, it spread not only throughout South Asia but all over the World. The main cause of its spectacular growth in the World is the South Asian Sunni Muslim immigrants.During 1897-1947 in India, the Movement did function in a socio-cultural and religio-political   perspectives. One can saw a spate of madaris, anjumans,  religio-political organizations and series of ideological literature. After the partition of  India, the  leadership of the Movement  prefered to stay in  India..This leadership also decided to remain ‘secular'   in the Indian national affairs. Thus, as far as India was considered, the Movement limited its activities to religious and spiritual matters. However, in Pakistan, the Movement rapidly spread and influenced not only in religious,  and scholarly terms but it also established its political footing. In various religio-political and spiritual matters, the Indian leadership of the Movement, possesses a final authority. However, very few Pakistani Barelwi Ulama   had  their  such kind of linkage in India.In Bangladesh, the Movement is also limited to religious and scholarly affairs of the Sunni Bengalis, here the Movement is being guided by the Indian and Pakistani   Ulama.Although, the madaris and anjumans of these three countries did not have any linkage, so, the Baralwi network used for the religious mobilization is left with exchange of literature, fatawa, mutual   correspondence ,occasionally visits of Ulama, Masha‘ikh and Barelwi intelligentsia, holding of Urs of topmost leadership of the Movement in these countries, attending Urs and annual meetings of the madaris of these countries. For the religious education of the followers, several madaris   and organizations had established their websites both in English and Urdu.Ahl al-Quran movement started in Lahore in 1903 when Moulvi Abdullah Chakralwi, a former Ahl-e-Hadith cleric, started publishing a journal titled as Ishaat al-Quran. The basic idea of this movement was an emphasis on the authority of Quran as the sole source of guidance for the Muslims. The question of Prophetic authority was tackled differently by various Ahl al-Quran scholars. For Moulvi Abdullah, since Quran was the Word of God and various Quranic verses alluded to the fullness of its Text, no other source of guidance was required. All matters relating to the faith and practice of Muslims could be deduced from Quran. The Quran, he said, had dealt with all these issues in detail and to deny the comprehensiveness of Quran is tantamount to finding faults in the Book of God.Khawaja Ahmad ud-Din Amritsari, with whom I would be dealing more in this paper, held similar views on the supremacy of Quran. But at the same time he approached the whole issue of Prophetic authority in a way so as to make Quran as the sole source of guidance, not just for the Muslims but for humanity at large. In this way, his idea of the supremacy of Quran required mitigation of the role and influence of Prophet to the extent of comparing his status to that of an Ambassador of God who brings the message of God and nothing else. In this paper I would try to elaborate Ahmad ud-Din's religious ideas in the light of his works, as a rational Muslim thinker who tried to reconcile Islam with rationality, with a desire to make it more acceptable for the Western educated Indian Muslims, while also trying to make it appealing for the non-Muslims by referring to the universality of the Quran without slandering the beliefs of his targetted audience. It would also be interesting to note the influence of Khawaja Ahmad ud-Din Amritsari on other scholars who held similar ideas. Most important of these scholars include Aslam Jairajpuri and Ghulam Ahmad Pervaiz.The vast majority of the South Asian Muslims are   Sunnis ,  embracing the Barelwi movement,  started in late 19th century. Although ,  Barelwi movement has its roots in India , however, it spread not only throughout South Asia but all over the World. The main cause of its spectacular growth in the World is the South Asian Sunni Muslim immigrants.During 1897-1947 in India, the Movement did function in a socio-cultural and religio-political   perspectives. One can saw a spate of madaris, anjumans,  religio-political organizations and series of ideological literature. After the partition of  India, the  leadership of the Movement  prefered to stay in  India..This leadership also decided to remain ‘secular'   in the Indian national affairs. Thus, as far as India was considered, the Movement limited its activities to religious and spiritual matters. However, in Pakistan, the Movement rapidly spread and influenced not only in religious,  and scholarly terms but it also established its political footing. In various religio-political and spiritual matters, the Indian leadership of the Movement, possesses a final authority. However, very few Pakistani Barelwi Ulama   had  their  such kind of linkage in India.In Bangladesh, the Movement is also limited to religious and scholarly affairs of the Sunni Bengalis, here the Movement is being guided by the Indian and Pakistani   Ulama.Although, the madaris and anjumans of these three countries did not have any linkage, so, the Baralwi network used for the religious mobilization is left with exchange of literature, fatawa, mutual   correspondence ,occasionally visits of Ulama, Masha‘ikh and Barelwi intelligentsia, holding of Urs of topmost leadership of the Movement in these countries, attending Urs and annual meetings of the madaris of these countries. For the religious education of the followers, several madaris   and organizations had established their websites both in English and Urdu.This paper discusses the Al-Risala Movement (or the "mission") founded by Maulana Wahiduddin Khan (b. 1925) of New Delhi, India. Khan inaugurated his mission by starting a publication al-risala in Urdu in 1976. This unique monthly journal, which has not missed an issue since its inception, contains short articles, moral anecdotes, vignettes and other educational and inspirational observations, all written by Maulana Khan. Through his writings found in the pages of al-risala as well as in other (over a hundred) published works, Maulana Khan has clearly sought to mobilize and influence a generation of young people who strive to become the "unofficial" propagators of his ideas. Khan's movement is mission-oriented because it seeks to propagate Islam as a "perfect" religion among all others, directed towards both Muslims and increasingly non-Muslims. What differentiates his mission from many others is that it seems to be mindful of the way and the method of such propagation. The key features that Khan advocates are respect and love for those who are generally seen as the "Other", the practice of nonviolence in all human interactions, and the use of intellectual discourse as primary means of engaging others in "dialogue." Khan's movement emphasizes educational reform and thus seeks to distance itself from all politically-oriented Islamic movements. The Al-Risala Movement is not a membership-based organization, nor does it seek converts to its cause who would be expected to leave their current occupations in order to dedicate their time and resources towards the movement. Instead, the movement's translocal network is held together through the medium of the publication of Khan's ideas in print and through a number of websites such as www.alrisala.org <http://www.alrisala.org/>  and www.cps.org.in <http://www.cps.org.in/> . Thus the subscribers to the monthly al-risala and regular readers of his other published works are in some respect its "members" or the "mobilized." Over the years, Maulana Khan has also addressed (in person or through conference call) many al-risala readers about the "mission." These groups, formed as Al-Risala study groups, are in existence in various parts of India and abroad. At the official level, there is no recruitment, no membership roster, and no special attempt is made to even connect all those who agree with and are voluntarily working to promote Khan's ideas and methods in their local settings, beyond what is selectively reported about such activities in the pages of al-risala each month. Wahiduddin Khan does not project himself as a reformer. He outlines the nature of his mission in his pioneering book, Fikr-e-Islami  as ijtihad. He argues that what is lacking in the Indian Muslim community at large is a coherent vision of the reapplication (by way of ijtihaad) of the Islamic ideals. These ideals in Khan's interpretation are pluralism, tolerance of differences, utilizing peaceful means to activism, and embracing modernity and seeking progress within the scope of the teachings of Islam. In many respects, Wahiduddin Khan's thought crosses boundaries of traditional Islam as he seeks to re-define Islam in light of what he calls the "modern age" which demands rational and tolerant understandings of religion. He also crosses boundaries of religious, national and ethnic associations. Khan's Al-Risala Movement may be characterized as that which lies beyond the traditionalist posture and which spans across the boundaries of religion, ethnicity, social and economic classes.Ahl al-Quran movement started in Lahore in 1903 when Moulvi Abdullah Chakralwi, a former Ahl-e-Hadith cleric, started publishing a journal titled as Ishaat al-Quran. The basic idea of this movement was an emphasis on the authority of Quran as the sole source of guidance for the Muslims. The question of Prophetic authority was tackled differently by various Ahl al-Quran scholars. For Moulvi Abdullah, since Quran was the Word of God and various Quranic verses alluded to the fullness of its Text, no other source of guidance was required. All matters relating to the faith and practice of Muslims could be deduced from Quran. The Quran, he said, had dealt with all these issues in detail and to deny the comprehensiveness of Quran is tantamount to finding faults in the Book of God.Khawaja Ahmad ud-Din Amritsari, with whom I would be dealing more in this paper, held similar views on the supremacy of Quran. But at the same time he approached the whole issue of Prophetic authority in a way so as to make Quran as the sole source of guidance, not just for the Muslims but for humanity at large. In this way, his idea of the supremacy of Quran required mitigation of the role and influence of Prophet to the extent of comparing his status to that of an Ambassador of God who brings the message of God and nothing else. In this paper I would try to elaborate Ahmad ud-Din's religious ideas in the light of his works, as a rational Muslim thinker who tried to reconcile Islam with rationality, with a desire to make it more acceptable for the Western educated Indian Muslims, while also trying to make it appealing for the non-Muslims by referring to the universality of the Quran without slandering the beliefs of his targetted audience. It would also be interesting to note the influence of Khawaja Ahmad ud-Din Amritsari on other scholars who held similar ideas. Most important of these scholars include Aslam Jairajpuri and Ghulam Ahmad Pervaiz.The vast majority of the South Asian Muslims are   Sunnis ,  embracing the Barelwi movement,  started in late 19th century. Although ,  Barelwi movement has its roots in India , however, it spread not only throughout South Asia but all over the World. The main cause of its spectacular growth in the World is the South Asian Sunni Muslim immigrants.During 1897-1947 in India, the Movement did function in a socio-cultural and religio-political   perspectives. One can saw a spate of madaris, anjumans,  religio-political organizations and series of ideological literature. After the partition of  India, the  leadership of the Movement  prefered to stay in  India..This leadership also decided to remain ‘secular'   in the Indian national affairs. Thus, as far as India was considered, the Movement limited its activities to religious and spiritual matters. However, in Pakistan, the Movement rapidly spread and influenced not only in religious,  and scholarly terms but it also established its political footing. In various religio-political and spiritual matters, the Indian leadership of the Movement, possesses a final authority. However, very few Pakistani Barelwi Ulama   had  their  such kind of linkage in India.In Bangladesh, the Movement is also limited to religious and scholarly affairs of the Sunni Bengalis, here the Movement is being guided by the Indian and Pakistani   Ulama.Although, the madaris and anjumans of these three countries did not have any linkage, so, the Baralwi network used for the religious mobilization is left with exchange of literature, fatawa, mutual   correspondence ,occasionally visits of Ulama, Masha‘ikh and Barelwi intelligentsia, holding of Urs of topmost leadership of the Movement in these countries, attending Urs and annual meetings of the madaris of these countries. For the religious education of the followers, several madaris   and organizations had established their websites both in English and Urdu.While the traditional madrasas of South Asia have come under criticism for their limited profile, its graduates have contributed to the emergence of new institutions that seek to combine genuine religious instruction with teaching modern and up-to-date worldly knowledge. This evolution is prompeted by development concerns and the desire to enable the Muslim community to make up for its perceived backwardness. It is also driven by religious visions of speading the message of Islam to the modern middle classes of Muslim society and preserve their religious orientation. This relatively new sector of education and community service provides a meeting ground between traditional religiosity and piety of the Deobandi, Tablighi and Barelwi type and western-educated Muslim intellectuals. The institutions active in this field range from the nursery right up to the university of which the International Islamic University in Islamabad is a prime example. The paper gives an overview of its concepts, trends, institutions and transnational impact.The subject of the paper I would like to present in Leiden is "Islam in South Asia, radical or moderate?". The paper will contain a preliminary, historical overview of Islam in South Asia (India and Pakistan) before and after the partition. It will briefly analyse the rise of the first political Muslim groups (including historical Madrasas) and parties, their attitude towards Independence, the means to reach it, and their stand regarding the two nations theory. It will further examine the changes which took place after Independence, the radicalisation of Muslim political milieu in Pakistan and the marginalizing of Muslims in India.The paper is part of an ongoing, broader research on South Asian Muslims in present politics, between radicalism and secularism. The perspective is to understand, on one hand,  if Indian Muslims will positively react to the challenge posed by secularism or if they will undertake the path of political radicalisation and affiliation to international radical Islamism. On the other hand, the paper will analyse the possible evolution of Pakistani Muslim fundamentalism, in relation with the broader, international context.This paper will focus on a transnational movement called the Minhajul Quran (MQ). Originating from Lahore Pakistan it has created a hold among the traditional, sufi-oriented communities from South Asia in the diaspora. Although the movement emerged out of the folk Islam, also called the Barelwis in South Asia, the MQ has, following jama'at Islami, politicized the Barelwi tradition, however at the same time it wants to live within the sufi tradition that it has inherited. This creates a tension among its followers: how to be modern, but at the same time be part of a traditional Islam.Soon after the creation of Pakistan gender and women's issues came to be viewed within the wider and complex context of an emerging religious tradition with a profound emphasis on male authority and religious-cultural dogma. The mosque now became the bastion of male authority; the maktab and the madrassa, mosques' centers for lower and higher learning further strengthened the male hold by going much farther, demonizing women who dare to seek freedom of speech and action. To reclaim their position women began their weekly gatherings, known as dars and dhikr addressed by women religious scholars. The last decade witnessed women for women religious activism in Pakistan. This was the beginning of al-Huda International Institute of Islamic of Islamic education for women in 1994 by Naseem Hashmi. Hashmi earlier studied in Scotland and later started teaching at Islamic International University, Islamabad. Al Huda which now offers nation-wide regular teaching courses for learning the Qu'ran has grown over the years, both in membership and in its influence.  Hashmi addresses huge all-women gatherings in which Islam and women's rights are discussed.